Attila

Music by Giuseppe Verdi

Libretto by Temistocle Solera
PRODUCTION NEW TO SAN FRANCISCO

The ruler of the Huns fully intends to invade fifth-century Italy until a fierce female captive enchants him with her valiant defiance. In the popular imagination, Attila the Hun was a ruthless barbarian. But to Giuseppe Verdi, he was a far more complex and compelling figure: a brave, ambitious warrior tormented by fierce internal doubts. The intense, conflicted anti-hero comes vividly alive in this “vibrant and engrossing musical drama” (The New York Times).

Music Director Nicola Luisotti, a “superb Verdi conductor” (Sunday Times, London), leads a world-class cast featuring bass Ferruccio Furlanetto, whose "strong, dark, textured voice filled Verdi's lines with burnished sound and arching lyricism" (The New York Times), in the title role; exciting young Venezuelan soprano Lucrecia Garcia; "powerful, liquid tenor" Fabio Sartori (Associated Press); and “brilliant…magnificent” baritone Quinn Kelsey (San Francisco Chronicle). Legendary bass Samuel Ramey, whose “superb” performance (San Francisco Chronicle) in the title role of the Company's 2008 Boris Godunov won him critical praise, returns as Pope Leo I.


Sung in Italian with English supertitles
Approximate running time: 2 hours, 45 minutes including one intermission

Pre-Opera Talks are free to ticketholders and take place in the main theater in the Orchestra section, 55 minutes prior to curtain.

New co-production with Teatro alla Scala 

Production photos: Ferruccio Furlanetto, Axel Zeininger/Wiener Staatsoper;
Brescia e Amisano/Teatro alla Scala
Production set design images: Alessandro Camera

Audio credit: Audio excerpts are from the November 30, 1991 performance of Attila with the San Francisco Opera Orchestra conducted by Gabriele Ferro


Cast

Attila Ferruccio Furlanetto
Odabella Lucrecia Garcia *
Foresto Diego Torre *
Ezio Quinn Kelsey
Uldino Nathaniel Peake *
Pope Leo I Samuel Ramey

Production Credits

Conductor Nicola Luisotti
Director Gabriele Lavia
Set Designer Alessandro Camera
Costume Designer Andrea Viotti
Lighting Designer Christopher Maravich
Chorus Director Ian Robertson

* San Francisco Opera Debut

Synopsis

ACT I
 
Scene I
The Huns await the arrival of their chief amid the smoldering ruins of Aquileia. They prostrate themselves and hail him as the god of war when he, Attila, enters. Uldino, Attila's Breton slave, ushers in a group of Aquileian women. Attila is angry that his orders to spare none of the enemy have been disobeyed. Uldino replies that the women are a worthy tribute because of the valor with which they defended their brothers. Amazed, Attila wonders aloud at the source of this courage. Odabella, the daughter of the slain Lord of Aquileia, steps out of the group of captives and answers his question: “The infinite holy love of our country.” She continues to speak, contrasting the heroism of the Italian women who fought beside their men with the weeping of the barbarian women who sat out the battle in their carriages. Attila, impressed by her bravery, offers to grant her any favor she desires. Odabella asks him to give her back her sword. He gives her his own. Odabella resolves to use her oppressor's own sword to avenge her father and her country. Unfamiliar feelings of tenderness arise in Attila for this courageous woman. The women leave. Attila receives the Roman envoy, Ezio, who asks to speak to him in private. Attila orders the others to leave. Ezio proposes an alliance: Attila may have the world, but let Italy be Ezio's. Attila denounces him as a traitor and promises to destroy all Roman cities. Ezio defiantly pledges to pit the seasoned soldiers of Rome against the undisciplined rabble of Attila's army.
 
Scene 2
The religious hermits gather to give thanks to God for preserving them from the storm that had raged the night before. Foresto, Odabella's betrothed, has led the Aquileians who have escaped Attila's fury to this spot. He sees in the hermits’ altar with its cross a propitious omen. He orders his followers to build their huts here and establish a city that will rise to equal the one they have left. (An apocryphal account of the founding of Venice.) The people acclaim him as their leader, but Foresto is tortured by the loss of his Odabella and the uncertainty of her fate.
 
Scene 3
Odabella walks alone in a secluded ruin near Atilla’s camp. She grieves for her father and for Foresto, whom the fortunes of war have taken from her. She hears footsteps and suddenly Foresto stands before her. Her joy at seeing him again quickly turns to bewilderment when she perceives his anger. He reproaches her for abandoning her people and accepting the favors of their oppressor. She shows him Attila's sword and tells him of her intent to exact personal vengeance from Attila, like a biblical Judith. The reconciled lovers embrace.
 
Scene 4
In his camp, Attila awakens from a nightmare, which he recounts to Uldino. In the dream he had brought his armies before Rome, where an immense old man suddenly seized him by the hair and told him to turn back. His role as the scourge of mankind ended at Rome, the realm of the gods. Shamed by his momentary fear, Attila orders Uldino to summon his com­manders to prepare for an immediate assault upon Rome. As he addresses his officers, a religious hymn sung by distant voices is heard. A procession of women and children dressed in white approaches Attila's camp, led by Pope Leo I. Amid the crowd of Attila's troops are Foresto and Odabella. Attila, gradually becoming filled with superstitious dread, recognizes in the Pope the old man of his dream. Leo then pronounces the same words Attila heard in his dream. Attila raises his eyes to heaven and cries out that he sees two giants menacing him with flaming swords. He prostrates himself before Leo.
 
ACT II
 
Scene I
In his headquarters near Rome, Ezio reads his orders from Emperor Valentinian: there is a truce with the Huns. As a soldier, he resents being prevented from destroying his en­emy; as a Roman, he laments the lost grandeur of Rome's military strength. Roman soldiers accompany a party of Attila's slaves into Ezio's presence. They convey to him Attila's greet­ings and invite Ezio and his captains to a feast at Attila's camp. Ezio replies that he will come. The slaves leave except for one who remains behind—Foresto. Refusing to divulge his name, Foresto asks Ezio to aid their common cause. That night Foresto will kill Attila and light a fire as a signal to Ezio to attack the leaderless Huns. Ezio promises to watch for the signal and to act. Foresto hurries away, leaving Ezio to meditate on his fate.
 
Scene 2
The feast is in progress in Attila's camp. The King of the Huns takes his place, surrounded by his followers. Odabella stands near him. A fanfare announces the arrival of Ezio and his men. Attila welcomes his guests and invites them to seal their truce. Some Druids whisper to Attila that it will be fatal to dine with the foreigner. Attila dismisses their prophecies of doom. As the women are singing, a sudden gust of wind extinguishes most of the fires that illuminate the feast. During the ensuing confusion, Ezio reminds Attila of his offer of an alliance, which Attila again refuses. Foresto informs Odabella that Uldino will soon offer Attila a poisoned cup. Odabella is reluctant to accept vengeance from any hand but her own. Uldino strengthens his resolve to end the servitude of his people. Suddenly the sky clears and Attila orders the fires relit and calls for his cup. As Uldino offers it, Odabella rushes forward and warns Attila that it has been poisoned. Attila furiously demands to know who is responsible and Foresto admits his guilt. Odabella again intervenes, asking Attila to place Foresto's fate in her hands. Attila is pleased by her action and grants her request. For her loyalty he announces yet a greater reward: the next day he will marry her and make her his queen. He tells Ezio to return to Rome and announce that the truce is ended. The crowd roars its approval of renewed warfare as Odabella urges Foresto to flee, Foresto curses Odabella for her treachery, Ezio swears to destroy his enemy, and Uldino promises Foresto eternal loyalty for saving his life.
 
Scene 3
Early the next morning, at the ruin which separates the camps of Ezio and Attila, Foresto waits for Uldino to learn the hour of the hated wedding. Uldino arrives with the news that the ceremonies have begun. Foresto orders him to deliver the signal to attack to Ezio and his troops. Alone, Foresto tries to understand Odabella's inexplicable behavior. Ezio rushes in, eager for the Signal to launch the attack. As he expresses his impatience to Foresto, they hear the wedding hymn beginning in Attila's camp. Odabella, in flight from the wedding ceremo­nies, runs up to them. Moments later Attila arrives and con­fronts her. As reproaches and threats are exchanged, the sounds of the Roman attack on Attila's camp reach them. Foresto is about to kill Attila, but Odabella intervenes and stabs Attila with her own hand. Roman soldiers burst in from all sides proclaiming that God, the people, and the emperor are avenged.  

Attila

Jeremy Commons

Verdi, in his early career—in the period he himself later referred to as his “galley years”—was anything but a musician’s musician. Some of us, admittedly, will be familiar with Donizetti’s unauthorized remark, said to have been made after hearing I Due Foscari, to the effect that “Really, this man is a genius.”

But few other composers and musicians would have agreed with him. A more typical remark was that of an older composer, Nicola Vaccai, made after hearing Verdi’s first opera, Oberto, Conte di San Bonifacio, at La Scala late in 1839. Writing to a lifelong friend, Girolamo Viezzoli, he said:
 
In this last autumn an opera called Oberto, by a certain Verdi, was much prized here: the most paltry (meschinissima) music, which boils down to two pieces which had some effect, a romanza and the adagio of a quartet. If one had to compare it with the current opera [Mercadante’s Le Due Illustri Rivali], one would call it a turnip set beside an [exotic] pineapple. Such is the taste of the public, which decides the fate of operas. Poor composers!
 
Felice Romani, famed both as a librettist and as an influential journalist, conducted a running battle against Verdi’s music in the Gazzetta Piemontese of Turin. As one example among many, we may cite the valediction he delivered upon Giovanna d’Arco at the end of its performances early in 1846:
 
Farewell, Giovanna of painful memory! Farewell, poor hoarse-throated Giovanna. The curtain descended upon you like a funeral shroud! Farewell, demon possessed, the gods struck you down in the midst of your nightly revels—out of pity for the trumpets, the horns and the drums, all of which would have burst had you lasted longer! Farewell, finally, O inglorious Giovanna, who ‘ere you died saw yourself eclipsed by the splendor of a single jewel from Beatrice di Tenda [presumably an aria borrowed from Bellini’s opera and introduced into Verdi’s]. [Pacini’s] La Regina di Cipro has taken your place, and will not be dislodged, let us hope—unless your dolorous spirit should arise from time to time out of spite from the grave, like one of those ghosts which, they say, haunt uninhabited and decayed houses.
 
Nowadays, when we universally recognize Verdi’s achievement, a vitriolic and rhetorical effusion such as this may seem merely funny. But at the time it seemedindeed, the present writer is tempted to go even further and say it was—bothreasonable and justified. To anyone accustomed to the expressive instrumentation and thoughtful harmonies of preceding composers—Donizetti’s teacher Giovanni Simone Mayr, for instance, or Pietro Generali or Ferdinando Paer—Verdi’s use of pounding cabaletta rhythms, his frequent writing of choruses in bare octaves and his habit of doubling the voices in the orchestra must have seemed insufferably brash and aggressive. In Attila there is even a final movement of a duet in which the tenor and soprano sing in unison throughout. A demagogue unleashed in the theater, Verdi stormed the gallery with an arsenal of urgent rhythms and stirring but “obvious” melodies. And it is demonstrably true that his music came to demand a new style of singing, a new strength and power, particularly in the upper registers, and that as singers aimed at this, so they began to lose much of their agility, their lightness, and ability to execute the graceful divisions of older bel canto writing.
 
It would not be an exaggeration, therefore, to say that early Verdi was a composer whose primary appeal was to the loggioni: to the less educated and less sophisticated sections of his audience.
 
For attitudes to his music to change, there had to be concessions and developments on both sides: on the part of the audience, particularly its more intellectual members, and on the part of the composer. The 19th-century cognoscenti had to recognize that, in the midst of so much that seemed raw, noisy, violent, and “popular,” there was also a very real dramatic genius and a genuine creative imagination at work. And Verdi himself had to evolve—had to grind away the “spots of commonness” that so frequently disfigured his early scores and concentrate upon moving his audience through writing music that is as thoughtful and as inventive in terms of harmony and figuration as it is appealing.
 
That he was capable of writing such music he had already shown, albeit fitfully, right from the start of his career, in the inspired moments of such operas as Nabucco (1842) and Ernani (1844). Of all his earlier operas, however, the one that most clearly shows his advances is, by common consent, Macbeth (1847). And Macbeth was the work which immediately followed Attila. Indeed, the very real interest of Attila—forit, too, was an innovative opera—has been overshadowed by the greater and undeniable importance of its successor.
 
The genesis of Attila dates back a full two years before its production at the Teatro la Fenice in Venice on March 17th, 1846, for it was in 1844, just after the first performance of Ernani, that Verdi first considered setting music to the German play, Attila, König der Hunnen (1808), by Zacharias Werner. The writing of the libretto was entrusted first to Francesco Maria Piave, then to Temistocle Solera, and the whole project was shelved and postponed several times. Piave, critics generally agree, was too meek by nature to handle such a fiery subject satisfactorily; Solera was temperamentally more suited to it, but he was also unreliable. In the autumn of 1845 Solera went to Spain, leaving the libretto in an advanced but still unfinished state. In this emergency Verdi again had recourse to Piave, whose patching up of the last act, carried out under the composer’s orders, jettisoned the choral ending Solera had planned and substituted a finale for the principals. When Solera eventually saw the result, he was so taken aback that on January 12th, 1846, he wrote to Verdi:
 
Your letter was a shattering blow to me. How on earth could the solemnity of a final hymn fail to inspire you? ... The ending you’ve sent me seems nothing less than a parody ... It seems to me to make nonsense of the characters as I’ve portrayed them. Fiat voluntas tua ... you are the only person who has been able to convince me that the career of a librettist is not for me ...
 
Not surprisingly, perhaps, Verdi and Solera were never to collaborate again.
 
Even when Verdi arrived in Venice for the rehearsals, things went badly. He himself was seriously ill with a gastric disorder, and was confined to bed for days at a time. Rumors began to circulate of his death. Week by week, the premiere was postponed, until the date originally fixed for the first performance had long since come and gone. In the interim, as the composer Vaccai was informed by his faithful Viezzoli in a letter of March 11th, opera at the Fenice had been seriously overshadowed by the ballet:
 
... The affairs of the Teatro della Fenice have limped this year where opera is concerned. Ernani ended up by being a mortal bore. La Sposa di Abido of Poniatowski is one of his usual thefts that awakens reactions neither hot nor cold. Now they are anxiously awaiting Verdi’s opera, which will be staged next Saturday and of which good hopes are held. As for the ballet, it is a marvel, since it is sustained by [Fanny] Eissler who is a real miracle. We saw her one evening, and were left amazed, transported with delight, beside ourselves ... The Theater every night is full, and the enthusiasm grows by leaps and bounds. Lanari [the impresario] rejoices and amasses fortunes; la Loewe [the prima donna who was to create the part of Odabella in Verdi’s opera] is irritated by the [nimble] legs of the ballerina and doesn’t want to sing, and the other artists appear discouraged because the public scarcely listens to them. So for Verdi, too, this is not the most propitious moment. We shall see ...
 
Under such daunting circumstances, Verdi’s success with Attila must be regarded as more than ever remarkable. Not, indeed, that the first evening was by any means an unqualified success. The performance began excellently, but ended on a discouragingly subdued note. As the Bolognese journal I Teatri reported, reproducing in part a review that had already appeared in the Gazzetta Privilegiata di Venezia:
 
Great expectation; the theater very crowded and overflowing with people; many demands and claims [for seats]. The opera began, then, under the most splendid omens. A most beautiful prologue, which set all minds afire with the liveliest enthusiasm, contains a cavatina sung by la Loewe and executed with great skill, a grandiose duet for Marini [Attila] and Costantini [Ezio], and a chorus of hermits followed by a piece truly magnificent for its orchestration [the passage depicting the dawn]. The prologue ends with the cavatina of the tenor, Guasco [Foresto], accompanied by a chorus of women and men, with a melody which is rather facile and light. At all these points the singers and the composer were called many times upon the stage.
 
During the rest of the opera the omens shone less propitiously. There was good applause for the very suave romanza of la Loewe, [and] for the first movement of a duet between her and Guasco. A concertato of beautiful and learned construction pleased in the first act, and the rich and varied work of the finale of the second act; but the music was less lively in its effect, even if the applause and the calls for the composer were no less eager, though perhaps less universal.
Justice, however, requires that it be said that not all the pieces were enjoyed in their [full] perfection: it is to be hoped that the execution will be better in the few remaining performances ... As for the third act, it is as if it was not heard, and in truth it ended in perfect silence...
 
Apparently, too, the candles at Attila’s feast in Act II stank most offensively when extinguished. The Gazzetta Privilegiata di Venezia wasted no words in declaring: “The scourge of God ought not to be the scourge of our nostrils…”
 
Repeatedly delayed, this premiere took place so late in the season that only six performances could be given. Nevertheless, at the end of the season I Teatri reported:
 
... As we hoped, maestro Verdi’s opera not only sustained itself in its later performances, but gained in the public’s favor. The applause and the acclamations were incessant, the theater every evening more delighted, every evening equally crowded, and after the third performance the composer, by way of triumph, was accompanied home with torches and music.
 
And indeed the prologue, upon which there was only one opinion right from the moment it was first heard, glows with strong and original beauties, including that sublime sunrise, where some wish to detect I don’t know what strange imitation—but which, as the intelligentsia are saying, is something absolutely singular, both for the novelty of its thought and the very invention of its sounds ... It is one of Verdi’s happiest inspirations. The duet for the two basses pleased more each time it was heard, as did Guasco’s cabaletta, which has already become popular, and which [one could hear] more or less sweetly sung as the audience came out of the theater each evening ...
 
In the rest of the work the pieces already mentioned in our first notice were enjoyed even more; except that the adagio of the finale of Act II was never heard to perfection. The singers, left to themselves without the support of the orchestra, seemed to lose their way, and came together again only in the stretta ... A trio and a quartet in Act III are also beautiful. They went unnoticed the first evening, but were heard with growing delight thereafter ...
 
Already in these reviews a pattern is emerging: the prologue is admired as a whole, but the rest of the opera is praised rather for individual items than for any all-embracing conception or inspiration. It was a critical reaction that was to be echoed many times as the years passed.
 
But perhaps the most interesting aspect of these early reviews comes under the heading of “omissions,” for there is a total absence of any reference to the patriotic, nationalistic appeal of the opera, even though Attila, as all the textbooks will tell us, has always been known as one of the most politically motivated of Verdi’s operas.
 
The second scene of the prologue, for example, showing the survivors of the sack of Aquileia taking refuge in the swamps on the Adriatic shore, where they became the founders of Venice, was a nice compliment to the city in which the opera was first staged. But that was only the beginning. In the words of George Martin:
 
Within Italy almost the entire opera became a battle cry. When the Venetian audience saw the Huns appear on the Adriatic shore, it burst into cries of ‘Italia! Italia!’ Some of Solera’s lines passed directly into the language, such as when the Roman [Ezio] says to Attila: ‘Avrai tu l’universo, resti l’Italia a me’ (You take the universe, leave Italy to me) ... Invariably the audience shouted back at the stage: ‘A noi! L’Italia a noi!’ (Italy for us!). It seems extraordinary that the censors allowed the line, or indeed any part of the libretto, to pass.
 
The clue as to why the reviews were so silent regarding this aspect of the opera lies, or course, in Martin’s last sentence. Any operatic libretto, no matter in what Italian state it was presented, was examined by censors to ensure that it did not offend political, religious and moral sensibilities. In Attila it was certainly the censors who insisted, for example, that Pope Leo should appear simply as “Leone, an old Roman.” Yet for the most part the libretto could pass scrutiny because its political allusions were just that: allusions which could escape detection as explicit political references, but which, the composer and librettist hoped, an alert audience might pick up when the opera was performed. Critics in their turn also had to be wary of the authorities: they might report the beauties of the music and the performance, but they could make no reference to political implications and the reactions they provoked.
 
For the most part the political allusions lay, in any case, in dispersed lines such as that quoted by Martin, logically contradictory in itself, “Avrai tu l’universo, resti l’Italia a me.” Any broader attempt to read the opera as a consistent parallel to the contemporary Italian situation, and the domination of the northern part of the country by Austria, ran into difficulties since the subject was, in this sense, stubbornly intractable. Of all the characters, the only one who excites our respect and sympathy is Attila, the foreign invader and ostensibly the barbarian, the “scourge of God.” After his initial (and momentary) presentation as a blood-lusting tyrant, he acts, disconcertingly, as “nature’s gentleman,” an embodiment of nobility, generosity, and humanity. It is the Italian characters who, by contrast, are treacherous and contemptible. Ezio, when first we see him, is ready to betray his boy Emperor for his own personal aggrandizement. Foresto tries to poison Attila, and Odabella actually succeeds in murdering him—notwithstanding all the generous treatment she has received at his hands. Though she likens herself to the biblical Judith, she and her companions seem more like jackals worrying a lion—and a very gentle lion at that, as the first critics were quick to note. As the second review published in I Teatri expressed it:
 
Poor Attila cuts the strangest figure ... A good-natured character, he is insulted, kept waiting, and betrayed by all: I don’t know why the world calls him the scourge of God, when really he sustains the part of the scourged. When he sees himself in danger of his life, he doesn’t even have the good sense to flee and save himself; and he dies, spitted like a goose ...
 
We are, then, dealing with an opera that is less than satisfactory in dramatic terms, and which, musically, is more easily admired for its many fine moments than as a total entity. Yet even after qualifying our assessment in this way, there is just so much left to admire. Movements abound in which we can see Verdi reaching towards new heights of imaginative expression: the yearningly beautiful prelude; the orchestral depiction of dawn breaking over the Adriatic marshes; Odabella’s romanza, “Oh! Nel fuggente nuvolo,” with its sweeping melody set over exquisite ostinato figures for English horn, flute, cello and harp; Attila’s account of his dream, one of Verdi’s many remarkable depictions of psychological disturbance, terror, and distress; and his encounter with Leone where, eschewing a customary final stretta, Verdi ends Act I with an adagio. Elsewhere, even if on occasion the music degenerates to the “intolerably crude” (to quote one of the most responsible of present-day English critics), we are more often likely to be struck by its strength, its sinewy vigor, and its dramatic urgency. More than any other Italian composer of the last century, Verdi had the power to gather up both stage and auditorium in an onrushing wave of melody, and then to sweep us forward on a surging tide of dramatic movement.
 
With its popularity certainly enhanced by its political relevance, Attila soon went the rounds of the Italian theaters. It was seen outside Italy, too: in 1846 in Corfu; in 1847 in Copenhagen, Madrid, Barcelona, Valencia, Cadiz, and Lisbon; and in 1848 in London (where it failed to impress) and as far afield as Cuba. Its first American performance took place in New York in 1850, and its first performance in San Francisco on August 19th, 1859, when, according to the Evening Bulletin, it was “very heartily and loudly applauded.” By 1860 it had been staged throughout South America (in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Peru, Uruguay, and Venezuela), and had even been seen as far away as Australia (in Sydney, Melbourne, and Adelaide). Yet, widely heard though it was, its popularity on the 19th-century stage was not of long duration. In a theatrical world that was overstocked with viable operas, only the very greatest masterpieces could expect to remain long in the repertoire. And Attila, rivaled within a year by Macbeth, was inevitably eclipsed—as indeed Macbeth also was—by the three crowning achievements of Verdi’s middle years: Rigoletto, La Traviata, and Il Trovatore.
 
Jeremy Commons is a New Zealand opera historian, scholar, impresario, and librettist. He is an authority on 19th-century Italian opera and has published major works on the composers Gaetano Donizetti and Nicola Vaccai. This article appeared in a previous edition of San Francisco Opera Magazine.

"The Scourge of God"

Malcolm Mosher, Jr.

This is the epithet that has been commonly given to Attila, king of the Huns, a man and a group of people who inspired terror and dread for centuries after their appearance in history. The name Attila is still part of our modern vocabulary, typically synonymous with one invincible, one capable of great acts of savagery, and one, above all, to be feared.

We continue to use the name in a variety of diverse contexts, such as describing monsters like Adolf Hitler and even running backs on a football field. In 1808, the German author Zacharias Werner, capitalizing on the general fascination with the name and what it evoked, wrote a drama loosely based on the events surrounding Attila’s invasion of Italy in 452 AD, and it was this play of historical fiction that formed the basis of Verdi’s ninth opera, Attila. Let us then distinguish fact from fancy in the opera, and, in a larger sense, examine the reasons why Attila and his Huns were so fearsome.
 
In the latter part of the fourth century, the Roman Empire maintained a tenuous hold over much of Europe. In the west, Roman territory included all lands west and south of the Rhine, as well as the territories of Spain and England. To the east, the empire governed all territory south of the Danube, all the way to the Black Sea. The areas north of these rivers, from Germany to the Ukraine, were ruled by various independent Teutonic tribes, called barbarians by the Romans. Chief among these were the Visigoths in the west and the Ostrogoths in the east.
 
While numerous conflicts had arisen between the barbarians and the Romans, these borders were relatively stable until roughly the year 370. At that time, the Huns invaded the Ukraine from the east. The place of their origin remains uncertain, but their impact was major. In the space of a few short years, they completely engulfed the powerful kingdom of the Ostrogoths. The Visigoths, in panic, fled across the Danube into Roman territory, eventually settling around Toulouse in southern France and thereby causing serious unrest in Roman Gaul.
 
In an age of extreme violence when massacres by Romans and barbarians alike were not uncommon, the universal dread inspired by the Huns from the very beginning was profound and can be attributed to a variety of factors. Foremost of these was their physical appearance. According to the Byzantine historian Priscus, who visited the camp of Attila:
 
…They put to flight men who are their equals in war by the terror of their looks, inspiring no little horror by their awful aspect and horribly swarthy appearance. They have a sort of shapeless lump for a face, if I may say so, and pinholes rather than eyes. Their wild appearance gives evidence to the hardihood of their spirits, and they are cruel even to their children on the first day they are born. They cut the cheeks of the males with a sword so that before they can first receive the nourishment of milk, they are compelled to endure a wound. Their youths are without good looks, particularly as their faces are furrowed by the scar they receive as a babe ... The men are somewhat short in stature, have broad shoulders, thickset necks, and are always erect and proud ... These men, in short, live in the form of humans but with the savagery of beasts.
 
Whether Priscus was exaggerating or not, there is no question that the Roman legionnaires were terrified by the sheer sight of the Huns, a fact reported by a number of different contemporary historians. Also contributing to this wild appearance was their clothing, which typically consisted, by design, of a motley collection of furs, the more tattered the better. Another factor that inspired dread was the simple fact that, for nearly 70 years, the Huns were practically invincible on the field of battle. Nomads who lived on horseback, their cavalry was unsurpassed in horsemanship and in its ability to maneuver. Their principal weapon was the compound bow, capable of accuracy at 100 yards and capable of penetrating whatever armor their opponents wore. As an indication of their ferocity in battle, the Romans once hired a band of 300 Huns to intercept several thousand Goths intent on raiding the Italian frontier. After a brief struggle, the Goths fled in disarray, leaving behind over 1,200 dead comrades to just 17 slain Huns. Finally, their overall policy can be summarized by three key practices: pillage, destruction, and indiscriminate slaughter. Wild but unfounded rumors further enhanced their reputation, such as the practice of cannibalism and a beverage of blood from the slain. Is it any wonder then that they terrified their adversaries, barbarian and Roman alike?
 
While wreaking havoc among the Goths, they did not at first invade Roman territory. In fact, they maintained peace with the Empire and even served as mercenaries against the Goths and other barbarians. The great Roman general Aetius (Ezio in the opera) was raised in the Hun camp as a hostage for the peace, and the friendships he made would later benefit the empire.
 
What led to the eventual outbreak of hostilities was the hastening decline of the Roman Empire. With the death of the emperor Theodosius I in 395, the empire was divided up between his two sons, with the Western Empire centered at Rome and the Eastern at Constantinople. Both sons were weak rulers and were in turn succeeded by even more ineffectual 32 offspring—Valentinian III in the west and Theodosius II in the east. Each surrounded themselves by rapacious courtiers and eunuchs.
 
Aetius, after disposing of a personal rival, rose in stature to become the leading general of the Western Empire and certainly proved to be the bulwark of Roman Gaul, supported by the alliances he maintained with the Huns. Indeed, for his ongoing defense of Gaul against a variety of different Teutonic tribes, he has been called the “Last of the Romans,” an epithet he also has in the opera. As stated above, the friendships he made as a hostage in the Hun camp led to treaties between the Western Empire and the Huns, and his defense of Gaul was primarily achieved by the use of Hunnic mercenaries.
 
The Eastern Empire, however, had no such favorable connection with the Huns, and the weak Theodosius was more concerned with revels and debauchery than with maintaining of firm military control of his borders. To maintain peace, he consented to send 350 pounds of gold as a yearly tribute to Rua, the de factoking of the Huns. In 434, Rua died and was succeeded by Attila and his brother Bieda, whom Attila would eventually murder in order to consolidate rulership of the Huns in his own person. Edward Gibbon, the renowned 18th-century historian and author of The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, has provided the most famous description of Attila, paraphrasing several Roman and Gothic sources:
 
[He] exhibits the genuine deformity of a modern Calmuck; a large head, a swarthy complexion, small deep-seated eyes, a flat nose, a few hairs in the place of a beard, broad shoulders, and a short square body, of nervous strength, though of a disproportionate form. The haughty step and demeanor of the king of the Huns expressed the consciousness of his superiority above the rest of mankind; and he had a custom of fiercely rolling his eyes, as if he wished to enjoy the terror which he inspired. Yet this savage hero was not inaccessible to pity; his suppliant enemies might confide in the assurance of peace or pardon; and Attila was considered by his subjects as a just and indulgent master. He delighted in war; but after he had ascended the throne in a mature age, his head, rather than his hand, achieved the conquest of the north; and the fame of an adventurous soldier was usefully exchanged for that of a prudent and successful general.
 
His first action in the year 434 was to double the annual tribute paid by the Eastern Empire. With peace in the quarter, he then focused his attention on subjugating all territory from the Caucasus to the Danube, a feat fully achieved by 439. In this same year, hostilities against the Eastern Empire arose, because Theodosius had refused to send the required tribute. Attila led his army on a massive invasion of the Eastern Empire in 441, in which numerous cities were sacked and razed to the ground, with the populace either slain in a frenzy of blood-letting, or led off into captivity.1 Two further invasions took place in 443 and 447. The historian Priscus provides us with a glimpse of the kind of destruction that took place with his description of the ruins of the great city of Naissus (known today as Yugoslavia’s Niš). Upon passing through the site of this former city six years after its fall, he reported only desolation and rubble. The banks along the Morava River were still covered with the sun-bleached bones of those slain there. Only the massive city walls saved Constantinople from a similar fate. In the words of a later Byzantine writer, “Attila ground almost the whole of Europe into the dust.” After 447, Theodosius had no choice but to agree to the terms set by Attila, which included an increased annual tribute of 2,100 pounds of gold and payment of all previously unpaid tribute. Why Valentinian and Aetius in the west did not come to the aid of the Eastern Empire remains a mystery. While peace followed for several years, renewed hostility was inevitable, not just in the east, but in the west as well. Attila’s dilemma was where to strike first. In 450, Theodosius died and was succeeded by a man of more martial spirit, who promptly terminated the yearly tribute. Without any army, however, such a move was thoughtless and would certainly have resulted in the complete destruction of the Eastern Empire, had Attila not already decided to march west.
 
Undoubtedly, the wealth of the Western Empire appealed to Attila. He knew the west would be more difficult to master than the Eastern Empire, but he knew he would be aided by several Teutonic tribes in Gaul who had invited him to come. The pretext for the invasion was furnished by Valentinian’s sister Honoria. The latter had apparently been amorously involved with her steward and had become pregnant by him. Valentinian, suspecting that Honoria and her lover aimed for the throne, had the steward immediately killed and married his sister off to an elderly senator. Chafing at this arrangement, Honoria sent a message to Attila, offering her hand in marriage. Attila informed Valentinian of his acceptance of Honoria’s offer and demanded half of the empire as dowry. Valentinian refused and the stage was set for war in the west.
 
In 451, Attila crossed the Rhine by the modern city of Metz and proceeded to ravage France. While laying siege to Orleans, Aetius suddenly appeared on the horizon with a combined force of Italians and Visigoths. Attila withdrew to the northeast, where a vast plain provided his cavalry with suitable room to maneuver. The ensuing battle of Chalons is said to have started at 9:00 AM and lasted all day, with the resulting carnage totaling some 165,000 killed on each side. Whatever the actual losses were, it was a stinging defeat for Attila, but not a victory for Aetius. The king of his Visigoth allies had been slain and the surviving Visigoths quit the battlefield the following day. Aetius was urged by his own men to attack again and destroy the Huns once and for all, but he allowed them to escape unmolested, perhaps in the hope that he could negotiate a new treaty with his former friends.
 
Such would not be the case, however, for Attila decided to try again the following year, 452, this time by crossing the Alps and marching directly upon Rome itself. Having crossed the Alps, the Huns descended on the plain of Venetia, whose chief city was Aquileia. Fortified by impressive walls, Aquileia had never been stormed nor forced to surrender. It was the key bastion that anchored the eastern defense of the empire. In the ensuing struggle about the walls, the Huns were beaten back and Attila is said to have intended to withdraw. Inspecting the walls one last time, however, he saw a family of storks take flight from the city with their young. Interpreting this as an omen portending the doom of the city, he resumed the assault with renewed vigor and succeeded in breaching the walls. Some people from the city escaped into the lagoons and islands toward the coast, but the greater part were either massacred or led off in captivity. The great city itself was so thoroughly razed to the ground that, less than 100 years later, no one knew where it formerly stood. This is where our opera begins, although various passages in it do refer to some of the preceding historical events.
 
Destruction, fire, and death befell city after city as the Huns continued westward. Eventually Milan was taken, but for some reason the city was spared destruction. A colorful story has survived in which Attila, surveying a mural depicting the emperors of the East and West seated on golden thrones before whom figures of Huns lay prostrate, forced a local artist to repaint the scene, with himself seated on a golden throne and the two emperors lying prostrate.
 
Aetius, in Gaul and without sufficient troops, chose not to contest Attila, leaving the latter with an open route to Rome. Valentinian, in turn, accused Aetius of abandoning Italy in order to establish a personal kingdom of his own in Gaul. Certainly, the pact in the opera, whereby Ezio offers Attila the universe if he himself can rule Italy, is pure fabrication. While the rest of Italy trembled at the anticipated attack, Attila did not march south. Popular legend attributes Attila’s decision to turn back as the result of an encounter with Pope Leo, a fanciful tale also portrayed in the opera. Leo did indeed travel north in an attempt to arrange a truce, but he was accompanied by two other secular officials, a former prefect, who had already negotiated with Attila on a previous occasion, and the ex-consul of 450, a man of great wealth. Unfortunately, the actual meeting between Attila and this embassy was not recorded. Legend has it that Attila, in complete awe of Leo and the God of the Romans, chose to withdraw rather than march on Rome. Modern historians find it unreasonable to consider that religion or superstition had anything to do with his withdrawal, for the Huns had razed numerous churches, raped nuns, and killed untold numbers of clergy in the past. The religion of the Empire had meant nothing to the Huns before and it is unlikely that it did on this occasion either. There is a sound military reason to explain the cessation of hostilities by Attila. Famine and pestilence had devastated Italy in the spring and summer of 451 and conditions had not improved. The land was exhausted and incapable of sustaining an enormous army with an even larger number of horses. His army had been seriously weakened the preceding year at Chalons; to continue further south would have invited disaster. Attila was shrewd and had frequently demonstrated a thorough knowledge of warfare. Surely he recognized the danger in continuing south. Quite likely the promise of tribute also influenced his decision.
 
At any rate, the Huns returned back to their capital across the Danube and Attila made it perfectly clear that the Eastern Empire would be his next target. A man with several hundred wives already, he was taken with yet another woman named Ildico, who might have been of German origin. A great celebration was held on the wedding night and he drank heavily before retiring to the nuptial chamber. Known to have been prone to nose bleeds, he apparently suffered a major bleed while asleep and suffocated. By the following afternoon, when no noise had been heard from within, the door was broken down and his body discovered beside his trembling bride. A careful examination of the corpse revealed no wounds or obvious signs of poison, and the Huns therefore concluded that he had not died from foul play. The fate of Ildico is uncertain, but she does not seem to have been harmed, although in later months rumors would circulate that she had murdered Attila. These rumors would also eventually work their way into the Nordic sagas, where the character Etzel (Attila) was said to have been slain by Kriemhild, his Burgundian bride, on their wedding night in revenge for the murder of her brothers.
 
Regarding the opera, Foresto, Uldino, and Odabella are fictitious, as is the plot of the latter part of the opera; the Huns were not defeated by the Romans in Italy, nor was Attila slain by Italian conspirators. Ezio is a distortion of the historical Aetius. The encounter between Attila and Leo is drawn from popular legend. This fiction, however, served Verdi’s purpose well. Foresto and the survivors of Aquileia represent the future founders of Venice, where the opera would receive its premiere. More importantly, the overall theme deals with Italian patriotism and the crushing defeat of northern invaders from the Danube, a thinly disguised call to arms for Italians to drive out their contemporary Austro-Hungarian overlords from Italy.
 
As an epilogue, the Hun Empire, which, at its zenith under Attila, extended from the Ukraine to eastern France, collapsed shortly after his death. The dominions of the Hun were divided up among his sons, who then feuded with each other. The long oppressed Teutonic tribes, taking advantage of the lack of unity among their oppressors, soon rose up in revolt and destroyed their antagonists. Those Huns who escaped fled back to the east, although one tribe found service under the new emperor of the Eastern Empire. Aetius, who for several decades was the sole person responsible for preserving the Western Empire for his emperor, met an end in 455 not unlike that of Julius Caesar. While engaged in a discussion with Valentinian, the emperor drew forth a sword and plunged it into the chest of his general, an act that was imitated by some 100 of his courtiers and eunuchs. Valentinian, in turn, was murdered a short time later by two barbarians who had been devoted to Aetius. The Western Empire would come to an end 21 years later, in 476. Conversely, the Eastern Empire would eventually be revived under Justinian and survive for centuries to come.
 
Malcolm Mosher, Jr., is a historian, lecturer, and writer as well as a software designer. This article appeared in a previous edition of San Francisco Opera Magazine.
 
1 Priscus encountered one former captive in the Hun camp who had earned his freedom on the battlefield and preferred the society of the Huns to that of the Romans.

Maestro Luisotti on Attila

San Francisco Opera will present Verdi’s Attila this June starring superstar bass Ferruccio Furlanetto. Co-produced with Milan’s Teatro alla Scala and directed by Gabriele Lavia, the new production is unusual and distinctive because it is set in three different periods of Italy’s history: ancient Rome circa 450 AD; the Viennese occupation of the early 1800’s; and the present day. Our Music Director Nicola Luisotti conducted the production in Milan and will conduct it here in June. He has this to say about the production:


Act I of Attila. Photo by Brescia-Armisano/Teatro alla Scala

Verdi’s opera Attila is very important for Italian people because at the time it was composed we were experiencing the Risorgimento—the period in our history that resulted in our finally being free from Austrian rule. Verdi was a powerful symbol of Italian cultural and national unity, and his music inspired the Italian people to see themselves as living in a free country. Attila is an Opera full of fire and, even today, the Italian people feel in their bodies the energy of that historical moment.

We created this production at La Scala during the 150th anniversary of the Unità d’Italia and we are very proud to co-produce it with SF Opera, an opera company—and a city—with strong Italian roots. Attila is the enemy of everyone because he represents the barbarian attitude of each period of history to destroy what people worked hard to build for the future of their nations and cultures. The deep message of Verdi is that we are here to fight against all who try to destroy our cultures, our lives and the freedom of our people; and the Music, with all its power, drives all of us on this wonderful, miraculous trip.
 

Act II of Attila. Photo by Brescia-Armisano/Teatro alla Scala

Our production first depicts the historical Attila, the barbarian marauder from Asia who invades Roman Italy in the mid–5th century. The setting is a destroyed Roman theater. In the second act Attila is an Austrian general and the setting is a destroyed Italian opera house. The third act takes place in a modern cinema in Rome and Attila is portrayed as a contemporary politician. The idea is that Barbarians are always at the gate (sometimes even inside the gate!) and that if they gain power, the culture and artistic expression of the captive state are under threat. Personal and artistic freedoms are closely intertwined.

The American people will enjoy this opera first of all for the incredible impact that this Music has. In Verdi’s time, Attila had a huge success and Verdi became very popular thanks to this extraordinary masterwork. Of course, now we know that Verdi wrote so many beautiful operas, and we would like to hear all of his operas in the same night! Unfortunately this is impossible and, waiting for other amazing work by Verdi in future seasons, we will enjoy this Attila with a stunning cast that will give the audience an unexpected energy throughout the night.
 

Act III of Attila. Photo by Brescia-Armisano/Teatro alla Scala

Lucrecia Garcia was the Odabella in the second cast and we went through a very good period of rehearsal together. Well, as happens many times in the world of opera, the soprano from the first cast didn’t feel well on opening night and Lucrecia stepped into the role. At the end of the first famous cabaletta “Santo di patria,” the audience behind me literally exploded! All the tension of the premiere disappeared thanks to this incredible start and I felt as though it was the night of the original premiere in 1846! What an emotion, what a night. Immediately I called my friend David Gockley at SF Opera and I said to him: “We must have Garcia as Odabella!!!” Well, we are very lucky to be able to hear such a wonderful voice in this almost impossible role to sing, and in such a stellar cast! Furlanetto, Sartori, Kelsey, Ramey as Pope Leo!! Well, I think we couldn’t ask for more.

This article appeared on the Company's blog Backstage at San Francisco Opera
 

Performances

*OperaVision: High-definition video projection screens will be featured on the balcony level for this performance.
OperaVision is made possible by the Koret-Taube Media Suite.

Company Sponsors John A. and Cynthia Fry Gunn are proud to support this production. Additionally, this production is made possible, in part, by the Amici di Nicola of Camerata.

Cast, program, prices and schedule are subject to change.